Corruption corrodes democracy
05 December 2005
Article from Dec issue of Focus
In a country where political office means economic power, corruption has become a serious threat to democracy
The conviction of businessman Schabir Shaik on two counts of corruption and one of fraud has raised questions – not for the first time – about the relationship between political power and private economic interests. To some, the judgment confirmed suspicions that venality has become one of the defining characteristics of the manner in which the new political class engages with the transition from the apartheid state to the post-apartheid democratic order.
More importantly, it challenges South African society to be more vigorous in its examination of the extent to which corruption may be contributing to a decline in political morality and the corrosion of the rectitude of our public servants.
Since the construction of a post-apartheid reality presupposes tensions in conceptions about the role played by the new political elite in creating conditions for “a better life for all”, corruption tends to be defined in ways that fail to transcend the limitations of narrow political agendas. In some cases, the extent to which allegations of corruption are believed depends on the political identity individuals have constructed and on whether the persons who are accused of corruption are hostile to that identity or not.
In the Jacob Zuma case, the objective reality of his innocence or guilt on charges of corruption seems to matter less than the impact his supporters and detractors believe his prosecution will have on our political landscape.
An article in Southern Africa Political and Economic Monthly in June 1995 said: “Corruption represents the degeneration of leadership and officialdom, gross dishonesty and greed, it reflects the highest level of unaccountability in a society which, therefore, can hardly be democratic in its political, social and economic conduct”.
Because mass political behaviour tends to be perception-driven, the perceptions of corruption in the popular imagination, in its details and generalities, is as important as the reality.
In the heat of political battle distinctions are seldom drawn between the real and the perceived when political parties engage with allegations of nefarious conduct. This, however, does not mean that our country is not faced with a serious challenge.
The nature of the challenge is often distorted by focusing only on the corruption cases of leading members of the ruling party. A more accurate understanding of the incidence of subornation in public affairs is a function of probing all manifestations of the problem with the understanding that the cumulative effect of corruption by low-ranking politicians and public servants is more devastating to our political culture, moral fabric and the economy.
It is for this reason that the service delivery protests against municipalities should be used as an indicator of how the capacity of local government is partly hamstrung by corrupt councillors and officials. The problem, however, is reports of local government corruption are not matched by the number of convictions and the frequency of action against offenders.
The incidence of corruption at local government level is exacerbated by a shortage of skills, lack of proper systems and poor process design. This means that many of these councils lack the capacity to design early warning systems and effective detection methods.
This lack of capacity is partly responsible for the high levels of corruption in provinces such as the Eastern Cape, where children go hungry because of the mismanagement of school feeding schemes and the abuse of social grants by public servants.
Despite the fact that our government has established “agencies of restraint” to deal with corruption, corruption remains a major threat to our democracy.
Given the fact that our democracy is a product of a liberation struggle, why is there such a serious betrayal of the values and principles that informed the noble fight against apartheid?
The answer lies in appreciating the ruling party and our democratic government have become some of the key instruments of class formation.
Access to political power is no longer an end in itself. It has become a means towards the achievement of economic ends.
A decade ago Transparency International estimated that 15 per cent of the total amount involved in international transactions was paid to heads of state, government ministers and senior government officials as bribes.
Another factor is the relationship between corruption and underdevelopment. The uncertainties of political life serve as a powerful incentive for politicians who do not have alternative careers to fall back on.
As we approach the next local government elections, political contests at local level are going to intensify because becoming a local councillor may be the ticket many need to escape poverty and unemployment.
Corruption tends to manifest itself in the following ways:
- Policy decisions made in pursuit of private economic interests.
- Tailor-made tenders.
- Policy decisions made to benefit business entities that a politician or senior public servant will join on leaving the public service.
- Extortion.
- Bribery.
- Fraud.
The problem with the reality and perception of corruption is that it legitimises further acts of corruption and has a corrosive effect on the legitimacy of the state. Ordinary citizens and low-ranking public servants can defend corruption in terms of the perceived nefarious conduct of leading politicians and senior public servants.
But what is disturbing is evidence of how corruption may be behind delivery failures, as manifest by abandoned or half-completed projects and the provision of shoddy houses approved by suborned building inspectors.
Corruption poses a major challenge to the ruling party and the country as a whole because the day may come when ordinary people decide to withdraw from political processes in protest against the excesses of leading political figures. To avoid this, the greed that feeds corrupt behaviour must not be allowed to destroy the soul of a young and promising democracy.
Source: The Herald
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